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Cope with your limits. For more information, contact: Gary Schouborg, PhD (925) 932-1982 |
Schouborg, Gary
(1969). "The
Individual and the People of God". The Bible Today, 2832-2838 [Without
original footnotes] The Individual and the People of GodIn his
classic and pioneer study of the Hebrew notion of corporate personality. H.
Wheeler Robinson has shown the absence, in Hebraic psychology, of any clear
distinction between the individual and his society. Near-Eastern peoples
passed easily from one viewpoint to the other without consciously
differentiating them. This paper will be a biblical investigation of the
interplay between the individual and his community, the People of God. 1. The Covenant"Our
earliest document for the history of Israel," the Song of Deborah (Jg
5), already reflects "the unitary conception of the corporate
personality of Israel." In this most ancient song, however, there is
mention only of the amphictyony. The earliest writings that explicitly refer
to the Sinaitic covenant are the cultic credos (Dt 6: 20-25; 26:5-10; and Jos
24:2-13), which date from the earliest period of Israel's life in Palestine.
All of these documents, even the Song of Deborah, clearly indicate that the
unifying power of ancient Israel was Yahweh's concern for and election of
this nation as his people. Moreover, Yahweh's election was not primarily the
liberation of a number of individuals who were enslaved by the Egyptians.
Rather, "Israel is delivered from the pharaoh only in order to become
God's people." There
are, therefore, at least two aspects of Israel's deliverance which are worth
noting here. The first is that the deliverance is social: a nation is freed
from enslavement by another, more powerful nation; the freedom gained is not
simply individual freedom. The second point is that although deliverance is
social it is primarily religious. Yahweh is not acting here simply as a most
powerful social worker, but His liberation directs the Israelites primarily
and ultimately to a personal bond with Him, their God. From now on, all of
the Israelite traditions will center around the fact of the covenant as the
unifying power for themselves as a people. What, then,
was the role of' the individual in such a context? First of all, there are
the instances of the individual geniuses in Israelite history. Such men were
the leaders of the nation, and as such were intercessors for the people to
Yahweh: Abraham (Gn 18:22-32; 20:7), Moses (Ex 32:11) the greatest of all the
prophets or intercessors (Dt 34:10), Samuel (1 S 7:5; 12-19), Amos (Am
7:2-6), Jeremiah (Jr 11-14; 37:3; 2 M 15:14), and Ezekiel (Ezk 14:l4, 20).
The giants among the Israelites were evaluated as such precisely in terms of
their relationship to the nation. And since the raison d'etre of the
nation was given in the covenant, evaluation of a leader involved him as
intercessor between Yahweh and his people, the People of God. Their fortunes
tended to be identified with his in such a way that when Yahweh was pleased
with him He was also pleased with the people, and similarly when displeased.
In other words, corporate guilt played a large part in Israelite mentality.
The problem of corporate guilt is one instance indicating the fusion, in
ancient near-Eastern thought, of the individual with the community. It is
something which provides a context for covenant mentality, not something
created by the covenant. Already in Genesis we find that not only is Noah saved
from the flood, but also his family (Gn 6:18). Although it is Abraham who is
personally called by Yahweh, he is accompanied by his whole clan to Canaan
(Gn 12). Furthermore, Abraham's intercession on behalf of Sodom (Gn 18:16-33)
demonstrates a solidarity which can work against the good or for the wicked.
Finally, there are the repeated pronouncements that a father's sins will be
visited upon the heads of his sons and grandson (Ex 20:5; 34:7; and Dt 5:9). But
there was also a development of the consciousness of individual
responsibility, a notion most clearly stated in Deuteronomy: "Fathers
may not be put to death for their sons, nor sons for their fathers. Each is
to be put to death for his own sin" (Dt 24:16), a passage revealing a
decisive step in appreciation of personal responsibility (cf. also Dt 7:10; 2
K 14:6; and Jr 31:29-30). We will see another decisive step forward in
Ezekiel, who echoes Dt 24:16 (Ezk 18:4, 20), develops the notions of
conversion and fall (33:10-20), and within the context of the destruction of
the old covenant asserts that although the nation is to be condemned
individuals who are innocent will be saved (14:12-23). All of this indicates
more than a personal notion of divine reward and retribution. And, as a
matter of fact, we can find in the original covenant itself the basis for a
greater regard for the individual, in the notion of hesed, which
"represents that mingling of duty ad love which springs directly from
the conception of common ties, and expands to include and regulate the
conception of Yahweh's relation to Israel, so uniting morality and religion
in the most characteristic feature of all Israel's development." From
the very beginning of Yahweh's covenant with His people there exists a
personal regard and love from which will develop an increasingly greater
appreciation of the dignity of the individual. However, the Law derived from
the covenant was not only an expression of Yahweh's mercy, but it was also
"a witness against the nation" (Dt 31:26). Although Yahweh was a
merciful God, he demanded that his salvation of his people be conditioned on
their obedience to ,the Law. As the prophets show us, the Iraelites presumed
on his mercy and thus brought about their own downfall. Within that context
of this tension we shall see that there was a further development and
clarification concerning the relationship of the individual and his
community. 2. The ProphetsThe
prophets themselves were exceptional individuals who stood out against many
of the institutions of their day. This has led many to misunderstand their
role, and to claim that the prophets are a decisive break from the corporate
mentality characteristic of ancient Israel and of all ancient near-Eastern
peoples. But such a claim is truly a misunderstanding, for the prophets can
be understood, and understood themselves, in terms of the covenant. Their
"primary role [was to be] the messengers of Yahweh who were concerned
with the covenant relationship between Yahweh and Israel." They were not
creators of radically new spiritual, religious , and ethical insights, but
were primarily of interpreters of history, calling Israelites to a deeper
understanding of the covenant. Moreover, the classic prophets considered
themselves to be in continuity with their predecessors (Am 2:11-12; 3:7; also
Ho 9:7-8; 12:11, 14). But this raises the problem of distinguishing true and
false prophets. for as soon as we begin be see the classic, inspired,
canonical prophets in their cultural milieu we have difficulty understanding
how their authenticity was discerned by their contemporaries. For then, as
now, there were men who were charlatans even with regard to the word of God.
This is another problem which is helpful in revealing the relationship
between the individual and the community. Von Rad's
identification of false prophets with cult-prophets has been found by more
recent scholars to be an oversimplification. "The phenomenon of false
prophecy must have been in the prophetic movement from earliest times, and no
fixed canon of 'truth' could be permanently established." the old
testament gives various criteria for discerning true prophecy. The falseness of a prophetic oracle could only be detected by its lack of conformity to historical events (Dt 18:22), or to the Yahwistic tradition (Dt 13:1-5), or to a genuine prophetic oracle (cf. the experience of Jeremiah as recorded in Jer 28.). The
certitude of the prophet himself stemmed from his own "profound
consciousness of spiritual communion with the God of Israel".
Correlatively, "The person who really knows God and who seeks to do His
will, will recognize true prophecy when he hears it." Vawter, then,
emphasizes the role of the individual and his personal relationship with God.
But there was also undoubtedly a social dimension in determining the
authenticity of any oracle. The emphasis of the pre-exilic prophets upon the judgment of Yahweh on Israel and Judah was felt to be both morally and spiritually justified, and historically vindicated by the defeats and exile of 721 ad 587 B.C. Who the traditionists were to whom we owe the writing down and preservation of these prophetic utterances we shall never know, but they too played their part in Israel's story. It is only by an ultimate reference to the work of the Holy Spirit, who both inspired the prophets and guided these traditionists to cherish their message, that we can explain the canonical status of the prophetic writings. The
problem of discernment therefore reveals another instance of the interplay
between the individual and the community. On the one hand, there is for both
the prophet and his hearer the personal problem of discernment and response,
and on the other hand, such personal discernment takes place within and has
reference to a society and its traditions. Moreover,
the message itself of the prophets constantly involves the tension between
individual and communal considerations. Isaiah's Song of the Servant (Is
42:1-14; 49:1-6; 50:4-9; 52:13-53:12) is at once a foreshadowing of the
greatest of all human individuals, Christ himself, and the corporate symbol
of the people of Yahweh. The song, which reflects "the unitary
conception of the corporate personality of Israel", "closes the era
of the great prophets, and forms the culminating glory of Old Testament
religion." Jeremiah prophesies a new covenant, written in each
individual's heart. Yet the covenant is still with the people as a body (Jr
31:31-34; cf. further, Ezk 37:14; 1 Th 4:8; Rm 5:5). Ezekiel tells the
Israelites facing the dissolution of Jerusalem that the innocent will be
spared. Corporate guilt is no longer an operative notion. The innocent will
not be able to save the wicked, nor will the wicked drag down the innocent
(Ezk 14:12-23). Yet the innocent remnant will not survive as individuals
simply, but as members of a restored and regenerated community (Ezk 37 and
40ff.). This,
then, takes us down to the Exile. We are now ready to see what post-exilic
Judaism thought about the individual and the community. 3. Post-Exilic JudaismAt first
glance there would seem to be a significant body of old testament revelation
which has nothing directly to do with the community of the covenant, the
people of God. For with the exception of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) (Si
44:1-50:24), the so-called "Praise of the Fathers", and Wisdom (Ws
10:1-19:5), the historical summary, there is no Yahwism in Wisdom literature,
which is concerned with man as man, as the creature made by a supreme being.
Yet even here we find such corporate thinking as is reflected by the fact
that the Wisdom literature is attributed to Solomon. Moreover, the precise
nature of the literature becomes more clear after a investigation of its Sitz
im Leben, which is the court. Or, more precisely, the court played a
definite part in transmitting Wisdom traditions. But the traditions
themselves antedate Solomon, and must have originated in the family. But the
literature itself is by and large post-exilic, when there was no king and no
court. Scholars have therefore concluded that the Sitz im Leben of the
literature as we now substantially have it was post-exilic religious
schooling. Now in the literature we have considerably more deuteronomic
elements than was the traditional concern of the sage, who was concerned with
a way of life, not with the Torah. We find in the literature, then, the
convergence of two traditions, the practical wisdom of the court and the
religious wisdom of the deuteronomic tradition. What accounts for the
convergence? There was the common denominator of the good life, the reward
promised by the deuteronomist for obedience to the Law and the reward
promised by the sage for a 1ife spent in the pursuit of Wisdom. Such a trend
eventually led to the identification of the Law and Wisdom by Sirach (Si
24:9-27). Consequently, we have in this literature also a melding of
individual and communal concerns, an intimate interplay between profoundly
personal insight and responsibility on the one hand, and assimilation of the
individual into the people of God on the other. Furthermore,
the common denominator of the two traditions, reward for good and punishment
for evil, itself generated a tension that in turn generated a further
clarification of the nature of the individual and the people of Yahweh. This
law of retribution is clearly stated in the older sections of Proverbs to be
the product of wisdom, i. e. virtue and God (Pr 3:33-35; 9:6, 18). Now at an
earlier stage in Israelite thinking, The whole group, including its past, present, and future members, might function as a single individual through any one of the those members conceived as representative of it. Because it was not confined to the living, but included the dead and the unborn, the group could be conceived as living for ever. As long
as the law of retribution applies to an undifferentiated body of people there
would seem to be no special problem. But as soon as Israelite thinkers become
more conscious of the individual, certain questions immediately arise. For
the fact is that evil men go unpunished (Jb 12:6; 21) while Job suffers
although innocent. All that Job is able to say about that fact is that he is
inquiring into things which are beyond man's comprehension (42.1-6). Qoheleth
(Ecclesiastes) is perplexed over the fact that both the good and the evil die
(Qo 9:2-6) and the only answer he can give is to counsel men to live their
present lives as fully as possible (9:10). The way out of this apparent
violation of the justice of God was not seen by any of the writers of Wisdom
literature. Of'
course, the clear solution to the impasse is seen only with the resurrection
of Jesus Christ, who gives definitive meaning to everything in the old
testament. Nevertheless there remain some few but clear indications of a
resurrection in some of the latest old testament writings (Is 26:19; Dn 12:2;
and 2 M 7:9-14). However, there remain many questions left unanswered. The
Isaian passage makes no mention of the fate of sinners, the expectation in
the Daniel passage is not yet one for a universal resurrection from the dead,
and the passage from Maccabees simply indicates a hope for the resurrection
of the good and no resurrection for the evil one. 4. The New CovenantThe
importance of the individual reaches new heights with the incarnation, death,
resurrection, and ascension of Jesus Christ. For the mystery that is Jesus
efficaciously prepared the way for the reign of the Holy Spirit in the hearts
of all Christians, in fulfillment of the prophecy of Jeremiah (Jr 31:31-34).
Nowhere in the new testament is the intimate relationship between Jesus and
the Spirit more profoundly understood and expressed than in John's gospel,
where "the intimate relation of the Paraclete to Jesus is what is
dominant. Whatever is said about the Paraclete is said elsewhere in the
Gospel about Jesus." With respect to Jeremiah's prophecy, Paul indicates
that the Spirit is the new Law that was promised to be written in men's
hearts (1 Th 4:8; Rm 5:5). "Thus the 'law of the Spirit' is not a new
code of laws (condensed into the commandment to love, perhaps), but rather an
impulse towards the good coming from the Holy Spirit." It is the impulse
of the Spirit which is the peculiarly Christian ground of moral obligation.
This is not an impersonal impulse, as might have been gathered from just old
testament sources. It is in John that the personal existence of the Spirit is
clearest. Because of this mysterious wedding of the Spirit with the deepest
dimension of the Christian, the Christian is not, like his old covenant
brother, alienated by a law outside of himself. For "the law of the
Spirit . . . is not just a code, not even one 'given by the Holy Spirit', but
a law 'produced in us by the Holy Spirit' . . . a new, inner source of
spiritual energy." But in what direction does the Spirit impel us? Is it
in the direction of an individualistic, mystical communion with God, or is it
toward service of other human beings, of the people of God now profoundly
united in the Spirit through the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ? It is
interesting to note that, "Apart from the great commandment Jesus
nowhere spoke explicitly about loving God. But with the parallel commandment
concerning brotherly love he indicated a broad field of action for that
love." Paul speaks seldom of the love of God, but instead emphasizes
brotherly love. It seems that John alone understood and expressed the
connection between love of God and of neighbor (1 Jn 4:21). James M. Robinson
comes to similar conclusions from his study of Mark. "The outcomes of the
cures do not consist in a dedication to the contemplative life outside the
course of history, but rather in a restoration to society. . . ."
"Mark's norm of piety is not to be found in the concept of the numinous
[as that term is used by Rudolf Otto in his Idea of the Holy], in
either its awesome or its fascinating aspect. If the one attitude is
insufficient because it tends to separate Jesus from history, the other tends
to confuse him with history, so that Jesus Himself withdraws from the mass
scenes (Mk 1:35; 3:9, 13; 4:1, 35; 5:40; 6:31,48; 7:33; 8:13; 9:2, 28,
30)." The two aspects of faith, as action and as knowledge, are bridged
by the notion of understanding, though not understanding in the sense of
propositionally formulated knowledge. Such understanding directs one to
"the historical action of Jesus and the Spirit", not to some
"non-historical mystical religiosity". Jesus, then, "in spite
of the emphasis . . . put on inner dispositions, did not despise external
action. . . ." It is precisely the social dimension of the encounter of
faith that Bultmann misses, according to Robinson. It is
within the context of Christianity as a social phenomenon that the new
testament problem of charismata must be understood. For charisma is
individual in that it is eschatological life in Christ, in the Spirit, in
grace. As life in the Spirit it is highly personal. The charisma of Damascus
is the central fact of Paul's life that makes his epistles understandable.
Nevertheless the new testament is in full continuity with the old in teaching
that individual gifts are simultaneously for the benefit of the individual
and of the community. Moreover, when one is truly working for the benefit of
the community, that in itself is a sign that he is living in the Spirit, that
he is living for Christ. For "he who is not with me is against me"
(,Mt 12:30 and Lk 11:23), and the external work of casting out devils in
Jesus' name was taken by him to be a sign of the authenticity of the
exorcists even though they were not openly recognized and formally approved
disciples (Mk 9:38-41 and Lk 9:49-50). The case of the unknown exorcists is
particularly interesting because here we have men going outside the formal
structure (such as it was) set up at that time, a move that argues for the
freedom of the individual. But the move is justified precisely because it
benefited the community. The authenticity of the move was revealed by the
effectiveness of the exorcists' activity. As one
might have suspected, the liturgy of the primitive Christian community
reveals similar relationships between the individual and the community. For
it is through the liturgy that Christianity first expressed itself. For
"liturgy is the most ancient form of confession; as such it is therefore
for Paul the criterion of the proclamation of the Gospel and, if I am not
mistaken, for the same reason it very early became the most important
starting-point for the formation of dogma. It is important to note that, at
least in the Pauline community, the liturgy was relatively unstructured, that it does not depend on any institutional validity, that no part is yet played in it by persons with special prerogatives and that, as can be seen from 1 Co l4:2ff., it does not even take place within the framework of a fixed rite. We might say, if we wished, that the gathered community orientated towards Word and Sacrament is the sole and sufficient external guarantee. Baptism,
by which one was incorporated into the new community of Christ, was the
decisive act in which one was justified. The Eucharist, which was an
extension of Baptism, took on its meaning from the context of the Last
Supper, which was of the deliverance of Israel, from Egypt. Thus, the new
testament grows directly out of the old. In the Last Supper Jesus reveals the
meaning of his death to be the vicarious death of the suffering servant of
Isaiah, "which atones for the sins of the 'many', the peoples of the
world. . . ." The Eucharist of the Christian community therefore
represents the continuing work of Jesus' salvation during the time between
His ascension and the parousia. The
witness of the apostles themselves also reveals the social character of
salvation coming from Christ. John's whole gospel and also his epistles
reveal the social link between the Church of the late first century and Jesus
as he existed in flesh and blood. Here again is involved personal, individual
witness — namely John's — but always as a member of the apostles. Furthermore,
just as the old covenant is set within the context of Adam's fall and
mankind's consequent guilt, the new covenant stems from the resurrection of
the new Adam, Jesus Christ (Rm 5:12-21). It is noteworthy that Paul
"does not discuss the reprobation of individuals, but the role assigned
to His people by God in the history of salvation." Finally,
we come to the question of structure. Paul shows clearly (1 Co 12:1-11) that
the Spirit alone does not guarantee co-ordination. For all charismata are
from the same Spirit, but a charisma is to be considered authentic only
insofar as it builds up the community. (Cf. also Ep 4:11-16.) Just as
authenticity of prophetic oracles in the old testament was by the
faithfulness of the oracle to the covenant, so the authenticity of charismata
in the new covenant is discerned by its effectiveness in building up the body
of Christ. Certainly,
therefore, some kind of cooperative effort was, and is, called for. But does
that entail institutional structures? Käsemann holds that it certainly did
not in Paul's time. "There is not even a prerogative of official
proclamation, vested in some specifically commissioned individual or
other." For Paul, each Christian was in possession of charisma.
Nevertheless, history has shown us that a Church without structure leads to
Enthusiasm. Paul himself saw this. And though he spent his life fighting the
Enthusiasts, it remains possible that his doctrine of charisma for each
Christian was itself one of the principal factors which led to the triumph of
Enthusiasm. "For it can scarcely be denied that the Pauline communities
— those which did not entrust themselves, more or less voluntarily, to other
leadership — were, within one generation, swallowed up by Enthusiasm." Conclusion It
seems clear that throughout the entire Bible there is the teaching that the
meaning of the individual is found in the community, the Christian community
living the life of the Spirit. This was the community foreshadowed in the old
covenant and instituted by Christ's death and resurrection. Yet this is far from
some sort of abstract totalitarianism. For in direct proportion to the
unification of the people of God, we have further appreciation of the worth
of the individual stemming from his personal responsibility and communion
with God through the Spirit living in him. But this communion is never in
isolation from the world around him. The movement of the Spirit must always
be discerned, and such discernment is pragmatic. Does the impetus in question
move one out towards one's fellows? Does it move one to work effectively
towards the building up of the body of Christ? Is it consistent with what has
been revealed by God? Institutionalization is necessary, but only as a means.
It too must be evaluated by the above criteria. Aristotle fully appreciated
man's social nature. He knew that an individual can fulfill his very
individuality only insofar as he functions humanly in society. It is the man
that Aristotle knew so well that is the man in whom the Spirit has been born
into human history. The Christian's very individuality is taken up by the
Spirit only with reference to others. No one understood this so well as John: We are to love, then, because he loved us first. Anyone who says, 'I love God', and hates his brother, is a liar, since a man who does not love the brother that he can see cannot love God, whom he has never seen. 1 John 4:19-20 |